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White man — you are the reason for Black Consciousness

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Tony Balcomb is a Senior Research Associate in the School of Religion, Philosophy, and Classics at the University of Kwazulu-Natal.

It was the white man who decided to make blackness the hallmark of the second-class status of a human being. Steve Biko simply said, ‘Okay, you have decided that blackness is the departure point for what defines a human being in South Africa… we will now decide on what this actually means for blacks.’

The 45th anniversary of Steve Biko’s death was marked on 12 September and conversations among black people were covered on at least two television channels, which focused on the meaning of Black Consciousness and Biko’s legacy for black people today. 

The words “black man” — as in, “black man, you are on your own” — were frequently used in these conversations.

But the words “white man” never came up. Strange. Because if it wasn’t for the white man, Black Consciousness would never have come about.

It was the white man who decided to make blackness the criterion by which certain human beings were relegated to second-class status through the Population Registration Act of 1950.

And it was the white man who enforced that law throughout the apartheid era. Biko simply said, “Okay, you have decided that blackness is the departure point for what defines a human being in South Africa… we will now decide on what this actually means for blacks.”

Did they really think that black people would happily embrace the identity given them by the apartheid system and live happily ever after with whites? Or, perhaps, resent it a little bit for a while, until they finally saw the light, and then live happily ever after with whites?

What Biko did was turn blackness — the very thing that was designed to make him a second-class human being — into a philosophy that restored to him the dignity that the whites had trampled on by making it the criterion of his identity in the first place.

And it was, quite honestly, a brilliant move.

Actually, the conversation that took place around the topic in Biko’s day differed quite markedly from those taking place around it today.

First, the white man featured a great deal in Biko’s day. And, second, there was not a single rant in anything that Biko said when he spoke about the white man. Biko was nothing if not cool, calm and collected in his thoughts about the white man.

And courteous — extraordinarily courteous. Courteous to a fault.

And this is what terrified the whites. Police Minister Jimmy Kruger’s infamous “[Biko’s death] leaves me cold” was an expression of terror, not indifference. And that’s why the police killed him. They had seen frustration, resentment and anger, but, through a sheer war of attrition, saw these all fizzle out. But quiet, polite, determined, rational resistance was something new. This was something far more dangerous; far more permanent.

The rationality of Biko’s argument was most striking in the courtroom conversations that took place during Biko’s trial. These make astonishing reading. The measured response of the black man and the utter inability of the white man to understand him.

Here is an exchange that really gets to the heart of the white/black thing:

May 1976 in the SASO/BPC Trial. Defence Counsel Advocate David Soggot leads Biko: 

Soggot: Mr Biko, would you refer to Resolution 42 on page 249? In paragraph (2) there you have referred to the definition of black people which I will not trouble you with, but paragraph (3) I should like you to deal with. ‘SASO believes’ — if you will read (a) please?

Biko: Yes. ‘SASO believes that (a) South Africa is a country in which both black and white live and shall continue to live together.’

Soggot: Now what does that mean?

Biko: Well, this means that we accept the fact that the present South African society is a plural society with contributions having been made to its development by all segments of the community, in other words we speak of the groupings both black and white. We have no intention of… of course, we regard ourselves as people who stay here and shall stay here. And we made the point that we’ve got no intention whatsoever of seeing white people leave this country; when I say leave, I mean leave this country.

Soggot: Leave?

Biko: Yes.

Soggot: L-e-a-v-e?

Biko: That is right. We intend to see them staying here side by side with us, maintaining a society in which everybody shall contribute proportionally.

Soggot: I wonder, in this context, would you please have a look at SASO G. I, Resolution 45? On page 206.

Biko: Right?

Soggot: Would you read from: ‘This country belongs…’

Biko: ‘Therefore we wish explicitly to state that this country belongs to black people and to them alone.’ Whites who live in our — who live in our — who live in this country on terms laid down by blacks and on condition that they respect black people. This should not be construed as anti-whitism. It only means that in as much as black people live in Europe on terms laid down by Europeans, whites shall be subjected to the same conditions. ‘We further wish to state that in our opinion it shall always be…’

Soggot: Can you explain what SASO meant by this resolution?

Biko: Well, I must explain I was not at this particular meeting but from reading this document, what I understand it to mean is that this country is essentially a country in Africa, a continent which is inhabited always naturally by black people, and what whites… it is conceived that whites are here and they may live in the country, depending on their relationship with blacks, and their acceptance of whatever conditions blacks in this country shall lay at a certain time — I don’t know what time the resolution is referring to.

This extract is quoted by Njabulo Ndebele in his foreword to the 2017 edition of I Write What I Like. Ndebele suggests that the “time” referred to by Biko was 1994 — that year when, finally, the tables were turned, once and for all.

So here we have it, my fellow white men. There are the terms, in black and white. We may live in the country depending on our relationship with black people, and our acceptance of the conditions they lay down.

We can rant and rave from the margins or we can, like Biko, sit down and think more rationally about how we got ourselves here in the first place. DM/MC

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Comments - Please in order to comment.

  • Chris Buys says:

    The click bait title really distracts from the rest of the article.

    Pretty certain that our agreement with each other is enshrined in the Constitution. The Constitution does not envision our society as a black one with with white tenants.

  • Karl Sittlinger says:

    “So here we have it, my fellow white men. There are the terms, in black and white. We may live in the country depending on our relationship with black people, and our acceptance of the conditions they lay down.”
    You mean conditions like unfettered theft, rampant corruption, political murders, intimidation and threats, tenderpreneurism and huge inefficiency, huge tax increases, failing power due to sheer ineptitude etc? I was born here, I grew up here, I consider myself a South African and not a guest. And all of us, irrespective of their race should be fighting for our country. Yes, OUR country.

    • Rich Field Field says:

      I think that you are confusing what Biko believed, said and advocated with the ANC and its views and delivery. He was not in any way describing or endorsing what is happening right now – and was not a part of the ANC leaders. I stand corrected, but he was actually marginalised and attacked at some times by the “liberation struggle” for his views.
      He was quite possibly the greatest single loss we suffered in our hope of creating a new nation and a just and fair society

      • Karl Sittlinger says:

        It doesnt matter what Biko meant, but only how the current people in power are interpreting and using it. What is happening right now is nothing less than the destruction of this country, of our country, at the hands of the ANC. I see policies that should help solve inequalities of the past being misused so badly, that it beggars belief and a president that supports cadre deployment even though there is literally no question it is responsible for many of the issues we are currently facing. So when in Bikos own words, “it is conceived that whites are here and they may live in the country, depending on their relationship with blacks, and their acceptance of whatever conditions blacks in this country shall lay at a certain time”, it is a valid question to ask if these are such conditions that I simply need to accept? President Ramaphosas reaction to cadre deployment and the current form BEE seems to suggest that some are taking it quite literally. There is a growing sentiment among some that Africa is for Africans only. A right wing version of Afronationalism is very much on the rise and people like Malema are using it like a weapon. Biko probably never envisioned this, but it doesnt change the fact that it is happening. To this I will say no, and rightly so.

  • jeyezed says:

    The longer that discussions continue with characterizations based on colour, the longer it will take to become a non-racial society. Articles like this are unhelpful.

    • Gillian Dusterwald says:

      While I agree with the point of moving beyond characterisations based on colour, I think that what this article reminds us is that “White people started it.” And it is time for us to acknowledge this fact. After all, white people implemented inferior bantu education and now we blame the people educated in that system for being unable to maintain the standards that we expect.

  • Malcolm McManus says:

    If Biko’s ANC behavior is anything to go by, citizens of all races are treated like 2nd class citizens in our country. Tony, you are a senior research associate of meaningless bullshit. Get a real job.

    • Rich Field Field says:

      “Biko’s ANC”? There is no such thing. He was not a leader or spokesman for the ANC then and had nothing to do with them getting to where they are.
      Why not do some research into him and his development and advocacy of Black Consciousness before berating the author.
      Understanding the subject would certainly add much needed credibility to you dismissive comments, don’t you think?

  • Bruce Q says:

    It really is time our discourse around colour and race be placed on the far back burner.
    We need to center our discussions on competency, ability and accountability.
    I am a third generation South African, and I love my beautiful country, with its diverse peoples.
    Alas it’s people like Mr. Balcony and the Malemas of this world that believe the only way they can stay relevant today is by digging up the past, and playing populous politics.
    There are good and bad people in every race and culture. Unfortunately our present government is mainly populated by a bunch of greedy, thieving pigs who’s only method of hanging on to power is to continually blame someone else – preferably the White Man.
    C’mon people… we’re not all bad. Nor do we all wish to subjugate the poor.

    • Jane Crankshaw says:

      Corruption and Racist BEE policies don’t help the fight against racism…they sadly entrench it. Anti white racism is strong in KZN but almost non existent in the Western Cape. Racism exists throughout the world…it’s not unique to this country – we need to get over it and on with life – climate change, over population, education, food security and water issues are far more important for people of all races, creeds and cultures to be worrying about .

      • Cunningham Ngcukana says:

        You need to read Discourse on Colonialism by Aime Cesare and it will help you to remove the notion of civilisation of the colonised by black people and George Padmore in his book, Pan Africanism or Communism; The Coming Struggle, on the notion of democratic imperialism vitiated by the Third Communist international and the thesis on the black republic. You will basically understand the question of inequality, exploitation and oppression brought by colonialism and the need for redress. However, the redress must not be done to fill pockets of the elite and to compromise the quality of service delivery. There is no doubt of the psychological effect of oppression on the oppressed and the need to respond to this by the liberation movement and at no point have leaders of the liberation struggle called for the massive corruption that we see and experience at every level. In fact it was Oliver Tambo who said that the ANC would learn it was easier fighting for liberation than governing. In a meeting with NACTU in 1986, he said we must stop recruiting criminals into the liberation movement as they would corrupt it. We thought criminals are pick pocketers, robbers and car thieves only but we failed to look at white collar criminals that damage entire countries.

  • Dennis Bailey says:

    Ooh, dear, Tony, me thinks from the comments you hit the nail. Congrats. Go fish some more.

  • Leonie Pentz says:

    I am coming to the sad conclusion that I do not belong here. In this country that I love and call my own. I have done so with fervour and absolute optimism for more than 50 years. Nor do my children, elderly parents, siblings or their children. My forefather arrived here not 100 years ago, but actually closer to 200 years ago. But I do not belong here. A ridiculous law promulgated by the NP government. They were bad no doubt the bad guys in the story, but perhaps not a lot worse than those who ‘conquered’ the indigenous people in the US, Canada, Australia, the Caribbean islands, etc. .. Yet, because of this law having a name hated by all of us today. Black and white, who need to deal with the daily struggles of living in this torched land, yes I hate the word APARTHEID, perhaps not for ALL the same reasons as my housekeeper, gardener, business partner or support staff, but I hate it nevertheless. Because I do not belong here. I will leave, eventually, with my family, money and business. Because I do not belong here.

  • Miles Japhet says:

    An interesting perspective. However at what point does history begin?
    A simple realisation that all who are born here are South Africans and should respect each other’s cultures, is required right now. Social engineering was wrong before and is wrong now. Let’s use all our resources, regardless of race, colour or creed, to grow this economy, educate our people properly and give real hope to the poor.

  • Ian Callender-Easby says:

    Silence in the class please, and go back to your homework.

  • Johan Tredoux says:

    Ok Tony, you are allowed to stay in this country for now.

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