Alarming surge in police killings highlight leadership chaos and deep flaws in law enforcement

A total of 670 people were killed by members of the South African Police Service (SAPS) and metro police last year, the highest number since the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (Ipid) started recording such deaths in 1997. The increase has been described as “massive” and an indictment of a rudderless police force beset by factionalism.

The Ipid report, released unofficially to members of Parliament last month but not yet formally submitted to the legislature, shows an alarming increase in killings by police, especially in the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal.

The report emerges against the backdrop of a nation seized by a public soap opera in Parliament that has exposed SAPS management as riven by division with criminal and political interference in policing. Damning evidence has been aired before the Madlanga Commission and the ad hoc parliamentary committee investigating allegations made by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner, Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi.

This has raised questions among experts about whether the surge in police brutality points to a rise in rogue, heavy-handed policing — or to a more forceful police re­­sponse beginning to outpace organised crime networks.

Ipid’s report makes for chilling reading. Nationally, deaths at the hands of the police have increased from 388 in 2020/21 to 670 in 2024/25, an increase of 72%. Except for one year (2021/22), the national total has risen consistently: 388, 466, 448, 577, 670.

There’s an alarming increase in KwaZulu-Natal, where police killings are at their highest, having jumped from 114 to 256, an increase of 124%. The province’s share of national deaths from police action has been rising and now stands at 38%.

On average, the annual number of suspects killed by the police in Gauteng and the Eastern Cape over the past five years has been 122 and 60 respectively. The killings have risen 17.8% in Gauteng and 124% in the Eastern Cape.

Ian Cameron, the chairman of Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Police, has read the report. 

“The increase in unnecessary force by police is concerning. In some instances, frivolous complaints are made when police use legitimate force against criminal suspects,” he says. “In some cases, it is extremely difficult for police to arrest and detain notorious criminals, but there is also a culture of impunity among some top cops.”

Cameron further notes that the increase in police killings in KwaZulu-Natal has not been accompanied by a decrease in crime. 

“People might want to say that they are fighting so hard against criminals, but crime actually seems to be on the increase in KwaZulu-Natal.”

​Police killings up, civilian murders down

Police stats shown to Daily Maverick contradict Cameron’s comment about the increase in crime in KwaZulu-Natal. Civilian murders in the province are down since 2022, according to SAPS quarterly reports. In 2022/23, there were 6,890 murders, down to 6,295 the next year and 5,569 in the past year, a drop of nearly 20%.

At the same time, murders in the Eastern Cape declined from 5,126 to 4,804.

The statistics raise uncomfortable questions. The SAPS says it is taking crime investigation seriously. Mkhwanazi has previously said the police are not only shooting people, but also investigating. The statistics suggest this hypothesis: if police are shooting many suspected criminals, the net effect is a reduction in homicide.

The Ipid report has to be seen in this context, amid claims (and strong police rebuttals) of extrajudicial killings. Police statements after mass shootings seem formulaic: suspects opened fire on police, who responded and several suspects were killed. But does that mean the police go out to kill suspected criminals, or are they responding to circumstances?

Excessive force

For criminal justice researcher Thato Masiangoako, the rise in police killings is a serious concern. 

“Unfortunately, high levels of crime across the country and the high levels of violent crime in KwaZulu-Natal have been used by police leadership to justify policing that relies on excessive use of violence,” she says.

David Bruce, a policing and public security researcher, says it is important not to downplay the fact that the police often deal with dangerous people.

“This may also partly reflect a greater seriousness on the part of the police in KwaZulu-Natal about responding to crime. But it is still reasonable to ask whether there are no alternative approaches that the police could have applied that would have been less likely to lead to the loss of life,” he says. 

“Progressive American police departments have adopted a framework of ‘protection of life’ in respect of lethal force. They emphasise protecting the lives of police officers, suspects and civilians.

“Where police are taken by surprise, it is valid to say that they have to make decisions in split seconds. But in many of the situations currently being reported, the police indicate they have advance knowledge of them. This means they have more scope to determine the outcome of the situation by the way they approach it, knowing there is a risk of armed confrontation.

“Police can use their superior numbers and resources to secure the cooperation of suspects to get them to surrender, rather than simply having an aggressive resolution. If South Africa is to become a society that values and protects human life, the SAPS should be the champion of the ideal of protecting life.

“We need to acknowledge that Ipid is not able to effectively investigate these shootings. So there is no accountability for what happens during these incidents other than what the SAPS tells us. International experience shows that there is a high risk that the use of lethal force will lead to the killing of innocent people. Police are prone to error, like everyone else.”

​Practical policing

Cameron says practical issues facing the police need to be considered. 

“Let me give you an example. In the Western Cape, along the road near the airport, there are townships. Communities close the roads and stone vehicles. The flying squad is called in first. They don’t have rifles with rubber bullets. The Public Order Policing Unit has that equipment, but they aren’t at the scene. Instead, you have police who can’t fire live ammunition into densely populated shack areas, but have to watch people being stoned and can’t respond appropriately with less lethal options. 

“There are practical examples of how cops are not properly resourced to de-escalate violent situations. And the police could be protected with something as simple as bodycams [body-mounted digital cameras]. That would resolve many frivolous cases against the cops and save a lot of time and money,” says Cameron.

“The Ipid guys are good, but they are completely burnt out by their caseloads. The system needs a total overhaul. Ipid should become a Chapter 9 institution, independent and autonomous of the police.”

Cameron says the Ipid report was released against the backdrop of evidence at the Madlanga Commission and the ad hoc parliamentary committee investigating allegations made by Mkhwanazi. 

“I think a lot of people speak about the wheels coming off the law enforcement fraternity. In many instances, they have come off. It is unstable, and the scene of factional fights in the top structures. A lot is linked to police members with political affiliation.

“We are in very uncertain times, and I believe we have a dark time ahead of us. These are not problems we can legislate away.

“In Parliament, I asked the suspended police minister whether replacing the top structure of the police would help. He said we’d have to make sure their replacements are skilled and clean, or there’s no point. The police constantly report to us in Parliament, and we ask them why they can’t do a better job. Well, if you look at the testimony [at] Madlanga and the ad hoc committee, I’m not surprised. It’s embarrassing. The police leadership is weak and disappointing.”

Public confidence​

In a foreword to Ipid’s report, Acting Police Minister Feroz Cachalia says public confidence in law enforcement has been eroded by police misconduct. Trust in policing remains low, and efforts are needed to root out police criminality.

Cachalia says legislative amendments are being made to strengthen Ipid’s independence and expand its investigative powers, though he admits that resource constraints hinder the timely finalisation of cases. He says Ipid has a backlog of 14,000 cases.

There are 170 Ipid investigators. Since 2020, the National Prosecuting Authority has declined to prosecute police members in 4,788 cases. A total of 520 cases were prosecuted. Ipid’s mandate is to investigate any death in police custody or as a result of police action, and also complaints of torture and rape. Last year, policemen raped 95 people. 

Ipid’s report suggests a new, hard-edged fight against violent crime and a drift towards impunity. The first may temporarily improve public confidence, but both ultimately erode trust in the police.

Veteran violence monitor ​Mary de Haas says Ipid statistics seldom tell the full story. 

“The problem is Ipid itself. It is dysfunctional. A lot of the cases are just filed away,” she says. “It needs to be independent to be taken seriously.” DM

This story first appeared in our weekly Daily Maverick 168 newspaper, which is available countrywide for R35.