Alexei Navalny, Russian opposition leader, walks with demonstrators during a rally in Moscow, Russia, on 29 February 2019. (Photo: Andrey Rudakov / Bloomberg via Getty Images) 
I wanted to write about this for a long time. Well, let it be the first post after the new prison sentence. It’s like a confession. I need to get over this loathing and fear, maybe you can help me with this.
Loathing. People ask me a lot about it, and I started receiving letters again: do you hate the judge? Do you hate Putin even more? I have said many times before that hate is the main thing that must be overcome in prison. There are so many reasons for it, and your powerlessness is a strong catalyst for the process. So if you let it go, it will eat you up and finish you off.
I’ll be honest, I have a hatred and I’ve got a lot of it. Most often I have it after “trials”. The last one, by the way, where I got 19 years, was not one of those. There, on the contrary, we all competed in showering each other with pleasantries. During the whole process, no one raised their voice. This is the most dangerous kind of judge: they give you 19 years in prison and also make you sympathise with them.
I get furious after the sessions of the local district court. There are simple cases, there is no space for legal tricks, and the judges simply and frankly say about the black: “Oh this is white, look, the reference says white” and make demonstratively illegal decisions.
style="font-weight: 400;">“Judge” Samoilov, but it’s not him I hate with my great hatred. Not the cops, not the outlaw thieves from the colony. Not the FSB officers who command them. You’ll be surprised, but not even Putin. At times like this, I hate people I previously loved. For whom I stood up, for whom I argued to the hilt. I also hate myself that once I loved them.
I am sitting in my Shizo [punishment cell] and reading a book by Natan Sharansky, Fear No Evil (I recommend it). Sharansky was jailed in the USSR for nine years and in 1986 he was exchanged. He went to Israel, created a party, and achieved great success. In general, he’s a cool guy. By the way, he spent 400 days in punishment cells. I really can’t imagine how he survived.
So, Sharansky describes his arrest and the investigation. It was 1977. I was one year old at the time. The book was published in the USSR in 1991. I was 15 years old at the time. Now I am 47, and while reading his book, I sometimes shake my head to get rid of the feeling that I am reading my personal file. For example, the Shizo/PKT building is a separate barracks behind the barbed wire. The maximum term in the Shizo is 15 days. I was not surprised when after several “15 days” in a row I was transferred as a persistent offender to a PKT [a separate prison inside a penal colony where inmates are kept in their cells all the time] for six months. It was exactly the same.
The virus of free thinking
In the introduction (I remind you, the year is 1991), Sharansky writes that it is in prisons that the virus of free thinking persists, and he hopes that the KGB will not find “an antidote to this virus”. Sharansky was wrong. The antidote was found. The antidote that now, in 2023, seems to have more political prisoners in Russia than in the Brezhnev-Andropov times.
What has the KGB got to do with it? There was no creeping or overt coup in our country led by people from the special services. They did not come to power by pushing the democratic reformers out of power. The democratic reformers did it themselves. They called the special services themselves. They invited them themselves. They taught them how to fake elections. How to steal property from entire industries. How to lie to the media. How to change laws to suit themselves. How to suppress opposition by force. Even how to organise idiotic, stupid, talentless wars.
That is why I can’t help it and I fiercely hate those who sold, drank, and wasted the historical chance that our country had in the early 1990s. I hate [Boris] Yeltsin and “Tanya and Valya” [Tatyana Yumasheva and Valentin Yumashev, Yeltsin’s daughter and son-in-law, respectively], [former Kremlin special envoy Anatoly] Chubais and the rest of the corrupt family who put Putin in power.
I hate the swindlers, whom we used to call reformers for some reason. Now it is very clear that they did nothing but intrigue and take care of their own wealth. Is there any other country where so many ministers of the “Government of Reforms” became millionaires and billionaires? I hate the authors of the most stupid authoritarian Constitution, which they sold to us idiots as democratic, even then giving the president the power of a full-fledged monarch.
Read more in Meduza here.
I especially hate everyone for the fact that there was not even a serious attempt to remove the basis of lawlessness — to carry out judicial reform, without which all other reforms are doomed to failure. I am studying this a lot now. In 1991, the RSFSR [Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic] adopted a good concept of judicial reform, but already in 1993, counter-reforms aimed at building a judicial vertical began. At that time, all political forces wanted honest courts. There was a complete consensus in society.
A barrier to corruption
If an independent judiciary had been established, a new usurpation of power would have been impossible or very difficult. So make no mistake: the thing that is now dashingly handing out eight-, 15- and 20-year sentences to innocent people started to be built long before Putin. Now it is clear: no one in the Kremlin and the government of the 1990s wanted an independent court. That’s because such a court would have been a barrier to corruption, election fraud and the transformation of governors and mayors into irremovable princes.
I hate the “independent media” and the “democratic society” that provided full support for one of the most dramatic turning points in our new history — the fraudulent presidential election of 1996. Again, I was an active supporter of all this at the time. Not election fraud, of course — I wouldn’t have liked it even then, but I did my best to ignore it, and the general unfairness of the election didn’t embarrass me, not even for a minute Now we are paying for the fact that in 1996 we thought that election fraud was not always a bad thing. The end justified the means.
I hate oligarch [Vladimir] Gusinsky (even if he is no longer an oligarch) because he blatantly hired [Filipp] Bobkov, the deputy head of the KGB, who was responsible for persecuting dissidents. They thought it was a joke at the time: ha-ha, he put innocent people in jail, and now he works for me. Kind of like a bear in the livery. So not only was there no lustration, there was the encouragement of villains. Now, those people who worked for Bobkov as young employees are putting [opposition politician Ilya] Yashin, [opposition politician Vladimir] Kara-Murza and me in jail.
We often hear that the Yeltsin government could not do anything because they were opposed by the communists in Parliament. Nevertheless, this did not prevent the mortgage auctions of 1996, but for some reason, it prevented judicial reform and reform of the security services.
I hate the entire leadership of Russia, which in 1991 (after the putsch) and in 1993 (after the shelling of Parliament) had absolute power and did not even try to make obvious democratic reforms. For example, what was done in the Czech Republic (where there is now a democracy and an average salary of €1,760), Poland (democracy and an average salary of €1,680), Estonia (democracy and an average salary of €1,810), Lithuania (democracy and an average salary of €1,959) and other Eastern European countries. Of course, different people were in power then. Good people, honest and sincere too. However, the desperate and unsuccessful struggle of this tiny minority only shows us even better the corruption and shamelessness of the power elite back then.
It was not with Putin in 2011 but with Yeltsin, Chubais, oligarchs, and the entire Komsomol party gang that called themselves “democrats” that we went not to Europe, but to Central Asia in 1994. We exchanged our European future for the villas of “Tanya and Valya” on the “millionaires’ island” of St Barth. When Putin’s KGB/FSB officers got free access to political posts, they didn’t have to do anything. They just looked around and exclaimed in amazement: Wait, was that allowed? If the rules of the game are like this, so that it is possible to steal, lie, falsify, censor, and all courts are under our control, then we will have a pretty good turnaround here.
We let the goat into the cabbage warehouse, and then we wonder why it ate all the cabbage. It is a goat, its mission and goal is to eat cabbage, it can’t think of anything else. It is useless to agitate him. Similarly, Putin’s FSB officials can’t think of anything else but to build a huge house and imprison those they don’t like. I can’t stand the goat, but I hate those who let it into the cabbage warehouse.
Read more in Meduza here.
My greatest fear
Though, of course, I realise that it’s better to not hate anyone at all, but to think about how not to do it again. Here comes my greatest fear: I don’t just believe, I know that Russia still has a chance. This is a historical process. We will again be at a crossroads.
In horror and cold sweat, I jump up in my bunk at night, when I think that we had a chance again, but again went the same way as in the 1990s. Following the “end justifies the means” sign. Where it is written in small letters: “Faking elections is not always a bad thing,” “Look at these people, what kind of juries are they?”, “It doesn’t matter that he is a thief — he is a technocrat and stands up for bicycle lanes,” “Give these people a free hand, they will choose anything they want,” “The government is still the only European in Russia,” and other wisdom of enlightened authoritarianism.
What I have written about the 1990s is not a historical exercise, reflection or meaningless complaining. It is the most important and urgent issue of political strategy for all supporters of the European path and democratic development.
I was impressed by the large collection of different opinions about our