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Karpowership: failed interdict unearths ‘State Capture on steroids’ agreement

Karpowership: failed interdict unearths ‘State Capture on steroids’ agreement
Businesswoman Anna Mokgokong on 1 October 2009 in Pretoria, South Africa. (Photo: Gallo Images / Foto24 / Deaan Vivier) | Wikipedia | Rawpixel

The battle between Turkish powership company Karadeniz and its estranged BEE partners exposed what appears to be a proposal to trade influence and deals to secure Karpowership its permits and give influential businesswoman Anna Mokgokong an inside track on South Africa’s Liquid Natural Gas industry.

  • The court battle between Turkish powership company Karadeniz and its estranged BEE partners unearthed a draft agreement suggesting that influential businesswoman Anna Mokgokong was asked to help Karpowership secure permits from government.
  • In terms of the agreement, Karadeniz would help Mokgokong and her company take over 49% of the R218-billion Karpowership deal, replacing the original BEE shareholders.
  • The secret agreement also promised Karadeniz a slice of a new R13.6-billion gas terminal in the Port of Ngqura – an arrangement described as “State Capture on steroids”.

In November 2022, with its R218-billion deal hanging by a thread, Turkish powership company Karadeniz decided to ditch its black empowerment partners Powergroup SA – an incredibly risky move that put the entire deal in jeopardy. 

Why? Seemingly, because Karadeniz believed powerful businesswoman Anna Mokgokong could help Karpowership secure the approvals it desperately needed from government.

Karpowership SA – a joint venture between Karadeniz and Powergroup SA – won the majority of the Risk Mitigation Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (RMI4P) tender to supply dispatchable (on demand) power to Eskom. 

The 20-year contract is conservatively estimated to be worth R218-billion.

But recently the partnership has soured. 

Karadeniz and its BEE partner clashed in the Johannesburg High Court last month. Powergroup wanted the court to reinstate its 49% stake in the scandal-plagued deal after Karadeniz exercised a call option and kicked its empowerment partners out of the company.

Powergroup lost the urgent application – after Judge Shanaaz Mia ruled that the horse had bolted – but succeeded in exposing a secret agreement between Karadeniz and Mokgokong’s BHI Energy, which Powergroup’s advocate, Tembeka Ngcukaitobi, described as “State Capture on steroids”.

Although counsel for Karadeniz told the judge this allegation was “reckless” and “without merit”, a closer look at the scheme of the agreement suggests Ngcukaitobi was not simply being dramatic.

The confidential memorandum of understanding (MOU), drafted in November last year, detailed how Karadeniz would help BHI Energy to acquire the 49% stake of the Karpowership deal held, at the time, by the unsuspecting Powergroup.

For her part, Mokgokong was asked to deliver three things: funding, a stake in a new liquified natural gas (LNG) terminal planned for the Port of Ngqura, and help securing the outstanding permits Karpowership desperately needed from government.

Mokgokong is the chair of Seriti Resources, which took over Anglo American’s portfolio of coal mines that supply Eskom. Her own company, Community Investment Holdings, has a substantial portfolio of mining, energy and healthcare assets.

Mokgokong blasted Ngcukaitobi’s description of the deal as “State Capture on steroids”, calling it “false, defamatory and … calculated to cause embarrassment to BHI, myself and the companies that I represent”.

“I categorically deny any inference of wrongdoing on the part of BHI, myself or any company that I represent,” she told us in a written response this week. 

“I reject the false narrative that has been created by Powergroup and its advisers. The narrative created by them has clearly been designed to detract from the real issue between them and Karadeniz and is a calculated attempt by Powergroup to mislead the court, the press and the general public.” 

As we asked more questions, she got annoyed: “I still have to deal with exhausting emails from you like I’ve nothing to do all day,” she wrote on Tuesday. 

But the devil – as is so often the case – is in the detail. 

And what it suggests is that Mokgokong has been the beneficiary of a series of questionable decisions that will help realise energy minister Gwede Mantashe’s dream of making the Eastern Cape the “gas capital of the country”.

Outstanding permits

When the Sunday Times broke the story on 13 August of Mokgokong’s attempt to move in on the Karpowership deal, the paper reported she delivered a barefaced denial that she was interested in acquiring Powergroup’s 49% stake. 

Read the Sunday Times report: “Power struggle over ‘BEE billions

Yet the draft MOU shows that as far back as November last year, Karadeniz and Mokgokong were working “to explore the legal, commercial, and financial structures in order for BHI to hold 49% of the shares of Karpowership SA”. 

In terms of what Mokgokong would be expected to bring to the table, the draft of the MOU reads: “BHI will organise necessary meetings with competent authorities … to obtain necessary licences and permits for the prompt implementation of the RMI4P Projects and Karpower will assist BHI and provide all necessary information to enable BHI to obtain the same.”

At the time, Karpowership needed two types of permits: environmental permits from the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment (DFFE), and a Section 79 directive from then-Minister of Transport Fikile Mbalula granting access to build infrastructure in the ports.

Mokgokong should not have been in a position to help with either.

“Any suggestion that BHI would exercise any form of ‘influence’ is simply misleading,” Mokgokong told us via email last week. “As [our company] has been involved in the gas space for more than a decade, it has relationships with many services providers, consultants etc whom all have dealt with regulatory matters. Any ‘assistance’ that could possibly be brought to the table is by way of existing relationships with these service providers and consultants.” 

Although the “competent authorities” clause was cut from the final MOU signed in February, she added: “There is also nothing wrong with assisting [Karpowership] by means of referring [them] to the suitable qualified experts to assist them with obtaining regulatory approvals.”

But the draft agreement does not say that Mokgokong would refer Karpowership to consultants and experts; it says she would organise meetings with “competent authorities”, ie government officials tasked with issuing the permits the company desperately needed.

Both the DFFE and Mbalula told us that no approaches were made by Mokgokong or her companies to discuss Karpowership outstanding permits.

Yet on 26 February, in one of his last acts as minister, Mbalula issued a Section 79 to Karpowership and Mulilo Total, another of the RMI4P projects.

“The granting of the Ministerial Direction was based on the application lodged by Karpowership and Mulilo Total Coega… The evaluation conducted on the applications was solely based on what is provided for in law and no third party interests had any bearing on the decision,” he told us via WhatsApp.

But a closer inspection shows the Section 79 contains a caveat: “The Direction for the Port of Ngqura is subject to the use of the LNG facility which the Strategic Fuel Fund will build.”

Why is this important? Because Mokgokong’s company stands to benefit.

The Ngqura-Coega LNG Terminal 

The second part of the deal outlined in the “confidential” draft MOU was an offer for Karpowership to participate in a new LNG Terminal planned for the Port of Ngqura.

Mokgokong has spent years pursuing this deal through her company Tamasa Investment Holdings. 

Tamasa’s proposal is to build an onshore regasification terminal, where concentrated LNG can be converted back into natural gas that can be burned to produce electricity.

In a 2015 presentation, her company wrote that it believed that South Africa “strategically and politically needed a LNG Regasification Terminal. With the energy crisis we find ourselves in … our LNG project is not only VITAL but IMPERATIVE.”

But to land the imported LNG, which would arrive by ship, Tamasa needed permission to build infrastructure in the Port of Ngqura, outside Gqeberha.

Enter Mbalula

Port access rights are granted in one of two ways: through a competitive tender process (in terms of section 56 of the National Ports Act), or through a direct appeal to the Minister of Transport to issue a directive in terms of Section 79.

There is debate about the extent of the minister’s powers under Section 79. One interpretation is that he can only instruct Transnet National Ports Authority (TNPA) to run a competitive bidding process. The other, is that he can instruct TNPA to issue port access rights to a specific company if it is deemed to be in the national interest – a situation fraught with potential for abuse.

And Tamasa was not the only company that wanted access.

In 2020, PetroSA, a subsidiary of the state-owned Central Energy Fund, had signed its own memorandum with Russia’s Gazprombank to explore the possibility of jointly building an onshore regasification hub in the Port of Ngqura, then estimated to cost R7-billion. 

Read the Sunday Times report: Inside South Africa’s new energy ‘deal’ with Moscow

The agreement did not guarantee Gazprom the contract but did say that the two state-owned companies would “cooperate with each other and jointly evaluate the development, construction and operation of the … project”.

And there had been interest from other international players after the Central Energy Fund issued a request for information, a precursor to a tender, in November 2021.

In January 2022, Mbalula announced he would grant port access rights to another subsidiary of the Central Energy Fund: “The Strategic Fuel Fund will construct an onshore Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) regasification facility at the Port of Ngqura. This investment is of national importance as it responds to energy policy and energy security of the country. The total project value is estimated at US$1.5 billion [R30-billion],” he said.

“State Capture on steroids”

The reason Ngcukaitobi referred to the Karadeniz’ draft MOU as “State Capture on steroids” was that Mokgokong appeared to be offering to “exchange a state asset”, ie a stake in SFF’s planned LNG terminal in Ngqura, “for a private interest”, ie shares in Karpowership.

“All these exchanges and quid pro quo concerning state assets were done without the knowledge, nevermind the consent, of the State,” Powergroup alleged in its heads of argument.

Mokgokong tells a very different story. 

“Tamasa was required to apply for a Section 79 directive” – in order to realise its long-held dream of building an onshore regasification terminal,” she told us.

“The Strategic Fuel Fund [SFF] applied for its own Section 79 directive after Tamasa’s application resulting in the Minister of Transport granting the Section 79 directive to the SFF with the understanding that the project will be a collaborative project between Tamasa and the SFF.”

Mbalula confirmed this but said it was more official than a mere “understanding”: “The Direction was issued to both Tamasa and SFF based on the agreement they concluded and duly informed the Department that the project would be executed by both parties.”

But Mbalula stressed that he had not played matchmaker: “The process of engagement between Tamasa and SFF was not an initiation of the Minister, it was an initiative that was started by both parties (Tamasa and SFF), and it was only after their agreement that the Department was informed of the intention to withdraw individual applications and be replaced by one application by both parties.”

One problem with this – and there are many – is that Mbalula had handed Tamasa, a private company, coveted port access rights and with it, the right to develop an LNG terminal without any competitive tender process.

In Karpowership’s case, Mbalula had granted the Section 79 only after the company was awarded the lion’s share of the RMI4P tender and after it was designated a “strategic integrated project” of national importance. 

Tamasa had neither of these, but would now hold the keys to the gas industry in the Eastern Cape for the next 20 years.

“Tamasa will build, operate, own and then, in due course, transfer the asset to the SFF,” Mokgokong told us. Until that happens, Ngcukaitobi’s suggestion that the proposed deal with Karadeniz involved “the ‘exchange a state asset’ is simply false”.

The farce

The Central Energy Fund did eventually release a tender for the Ngqura-Coega LNG Terminal Project, but only in August 2022, after Tamasa had already secured the “understanding” that it would develop the terminal with SFF.

The request for proposal called for a private company to “develop, finance, construct, operate and maintain LNG and gas midstream infrastructure to enable the importation of LNG into the Port of Ngqura” for the next 15 to 20 years before finally transferring ownership to the Central Energy Fund. 

Until then, the state would hold a minority stake – “currently anticipated to be between 5% and 10%”. The Central Energy Fund would also “invest” an undisclosed amount in the project, the document reads.

One of the assets the new terminal developer would be given was the Section 79 awarded to SFF and – although the document did not say it out loud – Tamasa.

Tamasa submitted a bid and by the time the tender closed in November 2022, Mokgokong was already confidently offering to swap a stake in the LNG terminal for a stake in the Karpowership project. 

Unsurprisingly, Tamasa was awarded the contract.

On Friday, Eastern Cape premier Oscar Mabuyane announced that the Central Energy Fund and Tamasa would build an LNG terminal in the Port of Ngqura, now estimated to cost R13.6-billion.

How Karpowership fits in

Mokgokong had what she wanted. So why get embroiled in the controversial albeit lucrative Karpowership deal?

The problem with building a R13.6-billion LNG terminal in the relative backwaters of the Eastern Cape, is that someone needs to be willing to buy the gas. If Karpowership gets the go-ahead, its 450MW floating powerplant in the port of Ngqura will need gas for the next 20 years. 

In its bid for the RMI4P project, Karpowership said Shell would provide LNG which would be pumped through a floating storage regasification unit (FSRU) moored in the harbour. But the caveat in Mbalula’s Section 79 now means that Karpowership will now be forced to source gas from Tamasa’s onshore LNG terminal.

There is logic to this decision. The port can only accommodate one FSRU – granting port access rights to Karpowership risked sterilising the port for any other gas users. 

But it was also the second time that Mbalula had bestowed a significant benefit on Mokgokong’s company: first, by all but ensuring Tamasa will build the terminal, then, when he issued the second Section 79 tying Karpowership’s port access to Tamasa, guaranteeing it a major customer for the next 15 to 20 years.

Mbalula reiterated that “due process was followed” in issuing the two Section 79 directives, while Mokgokong downplayed the benefit Tamasa will receive: “It would appear that Karpowership’s involvement in South Africa is likely to be shorter than the [20-year] term… If that transpires, then there will be almost no benefit from the section 79 directive as the SFF terminal will only be completed in four to five years’ time.”

Electricity minister Kgosientso Ramakgopa has floated the idea of reducing Karpowership’s contract from 20 years to five, given that the “emergency” power contract is hugely expensive. 

But there appears to be little political backing for such a renegotiation and even Karpowership acknowledged, in an interview with eTV’s Annika Larsen in July, that government is yet to make any formal proposal.

The gas capital of the country

On the contrary, if the Eastern Cape is to become the “gas capital of the country”, as Mantashe has suggested, Karpowership needs to get its power project over the line.

The LNG terminal, which will feed Karpowership’s project, could eventually be supplied with gas from the Paddavissie offshore gas field being developed by TotalEnergies. 

But the terminal risks becoming a white elephant if there is no one to buy its product.

Karpowership declined to respond to our questions, including whether being forced to use the SFF/Tamasa LNG Terminal will alter the cost of the electricity it plans to generate. 

When Karpowership responded to the RMI4P tender, LNG prices were at a record low of $2/MMBTU, which allowed it to offer electricity to Eskom at R1.47/kWh. More recently though, Karpowership has said it believes $10/MMBTU is more realistic. 

In terms of the rules of the RMI4P tender, the price of gas gets passed on to Eskom and, increasingly, to electricity users who cannot afford to install solar panels and batteries.

The Central Energy Fund also ignored our questions. 

The only person who did respond was Mokgokong, although she became defensive the more we probed:

“We have been pioneers in the LNG space second to Sasol that has enjoyed a monopoly in the country without any eyebrow raising by the media,” she wrote in one of her last free-wheeling emails. “I’m saddened as to why my great work is being questioned. As a black woman is that why I’m tortured by the media… Kindly advise.”

We assured her that no one was trying to torture her, but that projects that benefitted from lucrative concessions from the state had to be able to withstand public scrutiny. 

“You can arrive at your own conclusions,” she wrote in her final email. “It certainly appears you’ve got your own agenda.” DM

This article has been corrected after initial publication to remove the reference to Mokgokong acting as Shoprite’s chair. She was a board member, not chair, and resigned last year.

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Comments - Please in order to comment.

  • Greeff Kotzé says:

    While it contains some interesting info, this article raises many more questions than it answers. How much funding will the CEF/SFF contribute towards construction of the regassification terminal? And is Tamasa making a financial contribution, or just technical expertise? What is the expected profit yield from a 90% stake in the terminal over 15/20 years? And what is such a terminal expected to be worth, at 15/20 years old, when the remaining stake is transferred to the SFF? For that matter, is the term 15 or 20 years – it can’t be both? Does this ownership transfer involve additional payment? Without knowing these things, it’s impossible to say whether this deal stinks or not.

    It’s certainly possible that no other company was able to produce a more competitive bid than Tamasa for the eventual tender, since they had the advantage of having previously done a lot of the legwork on conceptualising the project. Is that an unfair advantage? Or is it making a contribution to development of the country on the hope of, but without the guarantee of, future reward?

    I get it — we dislike the Karpowership deals, and with good reason, so we are immediately suspicious of anyone even remotely connected to it. But by all appearances, Karpowership’s regulatory hurdles have NOT disappeared like magic, in fact their chances look slimmer than before.

    I’ll say this, though: Mokgokong urgently needs to engage a PR specialist, as she is not doing herself any favours in her responses.

    • Fanie Rajesh Ngabiso says:

      “she delivered a barefaced denial that she was interested in acquiring Powergroup’s 49% stake.”

      …you sound like you know a lot about this topic. My only observation is that, as a layman, reading the above with the benefit of hindsight makes it extremely difficult for me to trust a word coming out of her mouth.

  • Peter Streng says:

    Another cANCer fraudulent state capture in the making. We have to outvote these cANCerous rapacious, greedy fraudsters in 2024 to save the country and our futures, if there is anything left to save.

  • Denise Smit says:

    As the article stated, the clients of ESKOM (us) are going to pay for this expensive venture. The article stated very clearly the Fikile Mbalula , Mantashe and this business woman who is has a deal in coal supply to ESKOM is a he learned advocate has said involved in a “state capture project on steriods”. Lots of rewards must be going to Luthuli House. I think the first commenter did not read the article well.. Denise Smit

  • Denise Smit says:

    Thanks AmaB. Denise Smit

  • Walter Spatula says:

    …and, cue the race card. And the gender card.

    • Jennifer D says:

      The gender card?? Where has the gender card ever helped out even one woman? On the other hand, one could authoritatively say that the “white male card” has certainly benefitted a lot of white males so perhaps the “gender card” does need a bit more playing.

      • Middle aged Mike says:

        I must assume you don’t know how employment equity works in SA.

      • ilike homophones says:

        jennifer, the white male dedication benefitted their wives and children, …. … who are now model citizens … … …do you perhaps know what i am talking about? … 🙂 …. …. they work day and night, and do not have time to defend themselves, … …. …. and that makes you think they are guilty of everything you can think of … … …

      • ilike homophones says:

        jennifer, please don’t be so bitter, …. …. … i know it is a tough life and love … …. .

      • ilike homophones says:

        jenniver, that is why i do what i can … …. … i keep his house clean … … ….. i cook for him every day …. … and i do the tong in the cheek when needed … … … if you know what i mean … …. 🙂

  • George (Mike) Berger says:

    Maybe too early in the morning but the entire article was a hodgepotch of speculation, inference and possible fact. I couldn’t make sense of it
    At the root of the issue is the basically corrupt relationship between government and private sector. A vast opaque regulatory network provides ample opportunity for corrupt deals. Given the history of the ANC it is a reasonable assumption. Couple it to ethnic preference regulation and a lack of skills and perverse motivations in government you get the web of intrigue, accusations and dysfunction which plagues South Africa. The fat cats in the ANC are not going to change this lucrative route to rent collection

  • Brian Cotter says:

    “On Friday, Eastern Cape premier Oscar Mabuyane announced that the Central Energy Fund and Tamasa would build an LNG terminal in the Port of Ngqura, now estimated to cost R13.6-billion.”
    A cursory look at CEF website does not include any mention of potential award of this huge project?
    A look at the CDC website also does not indicate this massive contract award.
    The CDC website also has an enquiry for CDC/321/23 APPOINTMENT OF A PROFESSIONAL SERVICE PROVIDER TO CONDUCT AN ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT FOR THE 1000MW GAS TO POWER PLANT IN ZONE 13 OF THE COEGA SEZ So Gas to Power.
    Go into the CDC website, document library to find COEGA ENERGY issued September 2023 (yesterday) where Karpowership is firmly in the numbers in the text but on the picture it is not shown.
    However the Transnet Port Development Framework Plan 2022 for short term layout to 2032 shows the LNG storage facility but NO Karpowership.
    The only time I have seen the Karpowerships positioned was in the June Parliamentary Presentation of 15 June 2022, slide 1F – Natural Gas segment.

    There is lots going on at Coega

  • Middle aged Mike says:

    While there’s a chance the entire powerships deal is well intentioned, clean and aimed at improving the power supply in a cost effective way country, most people who’ve been awake for some of the last 30 years would know it’s a vanishingly slim one.

    • Michele Rivarola says:

      Clean, cost effective? In what world do you live? The energy cost at the time the bid was made was 100-200% higher than renewables and on par with using diesel in OCGTs and CGTs based on the LNG costs at the time. The LNG costs are substantially higher now making the power generated by the power ships not only unaffordable but also a bad option unless you are happy to pay well over R 5,00kW/hr. Added to this outlandish cost at the end of agreement SA will own absolutely nothing as the ships will simply sail away. This aside the supplier of LNG was to be Shell then look at who owns shares in Shell SA and who stands to benefit from it and the deal stinks even more than the rotten fish the ships will cause.

  • Cachunk Cachunk says:

    Ah, poor little thing, “As Black Woman is that why I’m tortured by the media…”
    No, you’re a very wealthy, empowered businessperson, who looks like you’re involved in dodgy dealings with the State and you’re being asked about it, too politely in my opinion!

  • TherealMalcolm x says:

    Hold on, lets rewind this article. We, the average South African taxpayer/citizen have been conditioned over the years not to question BEE deals and the complexities behind these, but lets just look at this more simplistically. Karpowership should have been expected to incorporate a local entity and this entity would then supply Escom with electricity. But now, enter BEE and now the drama and delay unfolds.
    The first question we should be asking is whether this BEE partner actually adds value? Anna Mokgokong’s claim of “helping in securing the outstanding permits Karpowership desperately needed from government” lays bear the wastefulness of BEE partners. What a crack of s………. apologies, nonsense!!!! It seems that in this time of load shedding crisis our Government is unable to put its best civil servant minds to ensuring that Karpowership does get the permits. No doubt, us the taxpayers will be paying higher electricity tariffs to subsidise these “silent” partners, because lets face it, they will be silent – after securing those permits there is little other value they will be bringing to the table – accept maybe other self-enriching deals that might couple onto this, again at the expense of the tax payer.
    Some might argue that the purpose of Anna Mokgokong getting involved is to empower communities effected by Karpowership operations. Ironically these same communities would be better off if Karpowership was contractually obliged to support such communities. No doubt, any profits generated by the BEE deal, will be utilised to enrich the self serving tenderpreneurs and the government officials that need paying off.
    Frankly, all effort should be made to stall this deal until the next government is in power – I know its wishful thinking, but we can still hope. Personally, I have an uneasy feeling that its another ANC rent seeking deal and that we are going to be left paying for this long after they are gone.

  • Alley Cat says:

    Mokgokong is the chair of Shoprite… Hopefully ShopRite will do some probing of their chair to see if there is potential corruption?

  • Hilary Morris says:

    What’s new? The reason no one can replace any of these ministers is that the alternatives are no better. I wonder how many honest people there are in the ANC cabinet. R75 million to the nearest guess winner…..

  • William Dryden says:

    There we go again, Mbalula doing his own thing with no regards to the controversies it has created. look after the cadre’s and not the public. As for Mokokong, she is definitely lying through her teeth and stands to make a killing on the deal, then plays the black woman being tortured because she is black. Always the same old same old bring out the race card to justify ones shady deals.

  • David McCormick says:

    Daily Maverick, keep digging. Just up the coast is Mossgas refinery which appears to be closed. Is it necessary to build a new R13.6 billion gas terminal at Coega when there should be one at Mossel Bay? Surely Mossgas has the ability to serve as an onshore Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) regasification facility? Why does the Strategic Fuel Fund require a new R30 billion onshore Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) regasification facility at the Port of Ngqura? In the event that Mossgas is not suitable, where will the Strategic Fuel Fund get the money and skills to manage this new facility if they cannot manage Mossgas?

    • Helmut Hertzog says:

      Very valid question.

    • Rosemary Blazeby says:

      Thats the problem. There are no skills, nanagenent or mentality to see anything through. It’s RDP housing free school free medical all over and over again. These authorities only know how to fight using word salad and threats to get what the other has, then corrupt, sit back because they gave no idea of what to do with the money. No forward planning like simple clinics schools. As for family and ancestor respect WHAT A JOKE just gimme a beer glass of good whiskey fancy car and huge house which I am uncomfortable anyway to miss My family and friends in.. a nice fire pit under the stars us about all I can identify with.

  • Deon Botha-Richards says:

    The thing is as soon as it’s Karpowerships there’s resistance to the very concept.

    Whilst some aspects of the deal are questionable we undoubtedly need the power.

    Those opposed to fossil fuels are simply opposed regardless of benefits.

    If the deals were to instal wind or solar would there be any press commentary?

    • Middle aged Mike says:

      It’s not about powerships, it’s about the ANC driving for it as they did for the russian nuclear deal, the GFIP etoll heist and other schemes/scams of theirs. Signing up for 20 years of expensive electricity that meets only a tiny fraction of our requirement and funnels the bulk of the revenue out of the country and leaves nothing behind at the end smells more than a bit fishy. That it is being driven quite so hard by the same person that has stood foursquare in the way of independent generation (I’m looking at you Gwede) seals it for me. The odds of it not being a monumental heist, as I mentioned above, are vanishingly low.

    • Middle aged Mike says:

      Which aspects don’t you find questionable?

      • Paddy Ross says:

        If you have an emergency situation(i.e. high load shedding levels), why does SA need a contract that binds SA for twenty years? Perhaps somewhat suspect?

  • eish Effedup says:

    I blame the voters. They dont seem to care and keep voting for the thieves in charge.

    • Rosemary Blazeby says:

      Voters. How can we know sure it works. America. So much proof abd look who is president. Nope I am nope wasting good diy time queuing to vote

  • Hermann Funk says:

    International crooks collaborating with local crooks makes it a very dangerous mixture accelerating the decline of SA

    • ilike homophones says:

      hermann, i knew this since 1996, some people even earlier! … …. …. waking up now is way too late …. ….. ….. it is over already ….. …. ….

  • Rosemary Blazeby says:

    I am concerned fir many reason. One concern is her portfolio which includes HEALTH I presume NIH.
    Thank you to the investigation journalists on these subject. If this mokogongnyd a minstervthis is totally corruption and unfair advantage to other pvt businesses. Gaining the sought after keys to the Harbour thereby in charge of who uses the facility is sly and unfair. Gwede mantashe imo us using the arrogant but not so smart woman
    Again I will gave to re read a few times. But your journalist are making it easier each time. Thank you

  • Matthew Quinton says:

    There is a book to be written

    “Greedy Man-Tache and the Fossil Fools”

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