South Africa, World

South Africa and the ICC: The Hague’s golden opportunity to convince Zuma to stay

By Simon Allison 12 March 2017

Legally, South Africa is once again a fully-fledged member of the International Criminal Court. The country needs parliamentary approval before it can attempt to exit the court again. For President Jacob Zuma, however, the political calculus has now changed, which presents The Hague with a golden opportunity to convince South Africa to remain inside the international justice tent. By SIMON ALLISON.

Last week, South Africa officially withdrew its notice of withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC), after being ordered to do so in a scathing verdict from the High Court in Pretoria. This means that, for now at least, South Africa remains a full member of the ICC.

On first glance, this is little more than an inconvenience for President Jacob Zuma’s administration, which has been so vocal in its criticism of the ICC. Zuma must now obtain parliamentary approval before possibly withdrawing again, which should not be too difficult: after all, the African National Congress commands a healthy majority in the National Assembly.

If fast-tracked, obtaining this approval from Parliament could take as little as three months. When approved, foreign minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane would then be able to submit a new notice of withdrawal to the United Nations in New York, which would mark the beginning of a new one-year notice period. Presuming all goes according to plan, South Africa’s exit from the ICC could be completed as early as July 2018.

But perhaps Zuma can be persuaded to stay his hand.

There is a reason, after all, that President Zuma chose not to seek parliamentary approval in the first place. It is a public, messy process, and one that he would rather avoid. There is little doubt that opposition parties will attempt to delay it at every turn. They will also use it as another stick with which to beat the scandal-ridden president, who could do without further national embarrassment. The president will also have to go to war with prominent South African civil society leaders, which are near-unanimous in their support for South Africa’s continued membership of the court (although many would also like to see reforms from the ICC too).

In other words, to obtain the necessary approval from legislators, President Zuma will have to expend a fair chunk of political capital – and he doesn’t have that much in the bank.

Zuma might decide all on his own that withdrawing from the ICC is more trouble than its worth. But there is a rare opportunity for the ICC to encourage him to arrive at this conclusion.

On April 7, South African officials are due to meet with ICC officials and judges at a hearing in The Hague, where South Africa is due to explain why it failed to arrest Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir in June 2015. Bashir is wanted by the ICC for war crimes and genocide, but was allowed to leave South Africa after attending an African Union summit in Johannesburg. South Africa cited this incident as the country’s main reason for leaving the ICC, arguing that the custom of immunity for heads of state trumped its obligation to arrest Bashir.

This argument may have been self-serving, but that doesn’t make it invalid. There really is a tension here: on the one hand, not all presidents are nice guys, but surely it is better to be engaging with dictators – and, hopefully, moderating their behaviour – rather than ostracising them? On the other hand, surely no one should be allowed to be above the law?

Here’s what the ICC needs to do. First and foremost, it needs to engage substantively with South Africa on these issues. Acknowledge that they are real, and discuss a way to resolve them. Show South Africa that the ICC is amenable to reform, and that South Africa can play a role in driving that reform.

Second, be diplomatic. This is not the ICC’s strong point. Its communications are notoriously tone-deaf, while too many ICC officials focus strictly on the legal elements of their work while ignoring the political ramifications. Thus, while South Africa probably deserves a stern warning for failing to arrest Bashir, now is not the time to make the South African government feel persecuted.

Third, acknowledge fault. Even the most indulgent observer can see that the ICC has made mistakes along the way, and is a flawed institution in need of reform. Yes, there may be sound legal and procedural reasons why the ICC appears to investigate black African men to the exclusion of almost everyone else, but that doesn’t excuse it: there are clear structural faults in any system that produces such a one-sided result. The ICC should admit its flaws, and commit to working with countries like South Africa to mitigate against them.

Having to force his planned ICC withdrawal through Parliament has changed President Zuma’s political calculus. It has made the decision to withdraw much harder and messier to implement. This gives The Hague the chance to encourage him to change his mind. At that April 7 meeting, if the ICC can give South Africa something that can be spun back home as a victory – a promise to seriously examine the issue of immunity for heads of states, perhaps, or a pledge to re-examine the role of the Security Council at the next meeting of ICC member states – then President Zuma might just decide that withdrawing from the ICC is more trouble than it is worth. DM

Photo: A photo provided by the South African GCIS shows South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma (L) speaking to Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir (R) attending a session of the 24th African Union Summit of the NEPAD Heads of State/Government Orientation Committee (HSGOC) at the African Union Headquaters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on 29 January 2011. EPA/Ntswe Mokoena

Gallery

In other news...

South Africa is in a very real battle. A political fight where terms such as truth and democracy can seem more of a suggestion as opposed to a necessity.

On one side of the battle are those openly willing to undermine the sovereignty of a democratic society, completely disregarding the weight and power of the oaths declared when they took office. If their mission was to decrease society’s trust in government - mission accomplished.

And on the other side are those who believe in the ethos of a country whose constitution was once declared the most progressive in the world. The hope that truth, justice and accountability in politics, business and society is not simply fairy tale dust sprinkled in great electoral speeches; but rather a cause that needs to be intentionally acted upon every day.

However, it would be an offensive oversight not to acknowledge that right there on the front lines, alongside whistleblowers and civil society, stand the journalists. Armed with only their determination to inform society and defend the truth, caught in the crossfire of shots fired from both sides.

If you believe in supporting the cause and the work of Daily Maverick then take your position on the battleground and sign up to Maverick Insider today.

For whatever amount you choose, you can support Daily Maverick and it only takes a minute.

Support Daily MaverickPayment options


Comments - share your knowledge and experience

Please note you must be a Maverick Insider to comment. Sign up here or if you are already an Insider.

OP-ED

Decision to set aside Seriti Commission findings will have a profound impact

By Andrew Feinstein, Paul Holden and Hennie van Vuuren

"You at this time can only be destroyed by yourselves from within and not from without. You have reached the point where the victory is to be won from within and can only be lost from within." ~ Marcus Garvey