---
title: "Displacement is a weapon of war that targets Africa’s most vulnerable"
description: "From Sudan to the DRC and Mozambique, armed groups prey on refugees to instil fear and consolidate power."
type: "NewsArticle"
publisher: "Daily Maverick"
site: "https://www.dailymaverick.co.za"
section: "ISS TODAY"
author: "Ottilia Anna Maunganidze and Aimée-Noël Mbiyozo for ISS Today"
author_url: "https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/author/ottilia-anna-maunganidze-and-aimee-noel-mbiyozo-fo/"
canonical_url: "https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2025-08-21-displacement-is-a-weapon-of-war-that-targets-africas-most-vulnerable/"
published: "2025-08-21T18:12:10"
updated: "2025-08-21T18:12:12"
lang: "en-ZA"
word_count: 1054
---

# Displacement is a weapon of war that targets Africa’s most vulnerable

> From Sudan to the DRC and Mozambique, armed groups prey on refugees to instil fear and consolidate power.

By Ottilia Anna Maunganidze and Aimée-Noël Mbiyozo for ISS Today · Published 21 August 2025, 20:12 SAST · Updated 21 August 2025, 20:12 SAST

## Key points
- On the grim anniversary of Sudan's civil war, the RSF's assault on Zamzam camp turned a refuge into a graveyard, with more than 1,500 lives lost and a humanitarian crisis spiralling as aid is weaponised while the world looks on.
- RSF's brutal attack on Zamzam camp marks a grim anniversary, displacing 400,000 and resulting in over 1,500 deaths, with 2,000 still missing.
- Humanitarian aid is systematically obstructed by both RSF and SAF, exacerbating the world's largest humanitarian crisis and leading to declared famine.
- Despite international protections for internally displaced persons, armed groups continue to target them, as seen in Sudan and the DRC, where sexual violence and aid blockades are rampant.
- In Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, insurgents attack humanitarian sites, forcing aid suspensions and leaving internally displaced populations in dire conditions despite some security improvements.

## Content

On the second anniversary of Sudan’s civil war in mid-April, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) attacked Zamzam in North Darfur, the country’s largest internally displaced people camp. An estimated 400,000 internally displaced people were [forced](https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/between-60000-80000-households-displaced-darfur-camp-after-sudan-rsf-takeover-2025-04-14/) to flee. Most went to the neighbouring Tawila camp about 60km away, while others, with nowhere to go, were forced to return.

Reports at the time suggested that more than 100 people were [killed](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cg41r3w0e19o) during the four-day attack. However, an investigation by The Guardian revealed that the ethnic [massacre](https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/aug/07/zamzam-massacre-rapid-support-forces-rsf-militia-civilians-slaughtered) claimed more than 1,500 lives, with at least 2,000 still missing.

The report also detailed large-scale abductions of women believed to have been trafficked to nearby towns. Militants committed acts of sexual violence, burned property and shot indiscriminately. It was the second-largest massacre since the civil war began in 2023, contributing to what is now the world’s largest humanitarian and displacement crisis.

Before the assault, Zamzam was home to more than 700,000 people, mostly women and children. It has been under siege by RSF, which has blocked humanitarian aid. Famine was declared in August 2024, and residents face acute [starvation](http://web.sabc.co.za/sabc/home/channelafrica/news/details?id=25f1c69e-fb6b-4c3d-bbac-aa49a2e6811f&title=Famine%20persists%20in%20Sudan%E2%80%99s%20Zamzam%20camp%20as%20women,children%20bear%20the%20brunt%20of%20conflict).

Both the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have been accused of systematically [obstructing](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/analysis/2025/04/11/sudan-depth-aid-efforts-blocked-and-weaponised-amid-sweeping-cuts-and-army) humanitarian support in areas controlled by rivals. SAF has now cut off aid to Zamzam and beyond as a part of a strategy to starve rebel-held areas and weaponise hunger. SAF also restricted aid flows into Darfur and tried to [prevent](https://www.reuters.com/graphics/FAMINE-RESPONSE/SUDAN/zdvxqkqxnpx/) the world’s hunger watchdog from declaring a famine.

The RSF has forced aid organisations in the region to register with it to boost the group’s legitimacy. It has extorted bribes for access, intruded on procurement, looted supplies and kidnapped aid workers.

In international human rights and humanitarian [law](https://www.icrc.org/sites/default/files/document/file_list/internally_displaced_persons_and_ihl.pdf), internally displaced people are — as civilians — considered “internationally protected persons” when displaced as a result of armed conflict. Attacking them or blocking aid is a war crime. Yet, enforcement and accountability remain major challenges.

The most useful international instrument for tackling these crimes is the African Union’s Kampala [Convention](https://au.int/en/treaties/african-union-convention-protection-and-assistance-internally-displaced-persons-africa) on internally displaced persons, which Sudan has not signed. It is Africa’s first legally binding instrument on the issue, providing measures to prevent and prepare for internal displacement, and guidelines on interpreting and implementing legal obligations.

Despite these protections, internally displaced people are easily targeted by armed groups seeking to assert their power — and the challenge is not unique to Sudan.

In the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), similar tactics are used by multiple warring parties, including the M23, Allied Democratic Forces and, to some extent, the [Wazalendo](https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/08/1165586) militia. In January and February, M23 rebels captured Goma from the Congolese armed forces. Fighters systematically [destroyed](https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/02/13/dr-congo-m23-drives-displaced-people-goma-camps) and emptied most of the 28 displacement camps in and around the city, giving internally displaced people 72 hours to return to their villages.

#### **Forced to flee**

Approximately 350,000 internally displaced people were forced to flee as camps were targeted with heavy [artillery](https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/02/1160136#:~:text=Byun%20said%20that%20in%20South,around%20Goma%20are%20now%20destroyed.) and looting that destroyed more than 70,000 emergency shelters. Many displaced people who later returned to the camps found their homes reoccupied.

Sexual violence against women [surged](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/8/14/sexual-violence-surged-amid-war-in-drcs-north-kivu-last-year-un) to staggering levels across North Kivu in 2024, as refugee camps were [bombed](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/5/4/at-least-12-killed-in-bomb-attacks-on-eastern-dr-congo-displacement-camps) and hundreds of shelters were burned. The destruction and razing of aid infrastructure in Goma have caused, among other things, a cholera outbreak. Militants destroyed over $700,000 worth of water and sanitation infrastructure, such as pipelines, latrines and tanks, forcing people to drink from contaminated streams and lakes.

As in Sudan, warring parties have set up roadblocks and attacked and extorted aid providers. Humanitarian workers have been forced to take circuitous routes through Rwanda, pay exorbitant taxes or fees, and delay vital aid distribution.

Deep funding cuts have further reduced aid organisations’ ability to respond. In the DRC, the UN froze an investigation into war crimes due to a lack of funds, diminishing the possibility of accountability and justice for citizens. Peace in the region is [unlikely](https://issafrica.org/iss-today/diplomacy-without-deterrence-won-t-bring-peace-in-eastern-drc) any time soon, despite US and Qatar-brokered agreements that also lack accountability mechanisms.

In Cabo Delgado in northern Mozambique, insurgent groups have attacked essential civilian infrastructure and detonated improvised explosive devices near internally displaced people sites, causing civilian casualties. Militants have ambushed and looted humanitarian aid and delayed assistance to affected communities.

In May 2024, insurgents [attacked](https://issafrica.org/iss-today/mozambique-can-learn-from-other-african-countries-about-hosting-idps) civilian and humanitarian sites in Macomia, which hosts the third largest number of internally displaced people in Cabo Delgado. They assaulted aid workers, looted food supplies and kidnapped humanitarian staff, causing the World Food Programme to suspend its operations. The internally displaced people situation remains precarious despite security gains and many refugees returning home.

So far in 2025, more than 95,000 people have fled Cabo Delgado, and humanitarian access is challenging. In May, the sharpest rise in violence was recorded since mid-2022. Fighting has intensified, and in June the Global Protection Cluster issued an [alert](https://globalprotectioncluster.org/publications/2269/communication-materials/advocacy-note/gpc-protection-alert-rise-violence-cabo#:~:text=The%20Global%20Protection%20Cluster%20\(GPC,eroded%20the%20protection%20of%20civilians.) that violent extremism and cyclones were eroding the protection situation in Cabo Delgado.

#### **Kampala Convention**

Unlike Sudan, the DRC and Mozambique are party to the Kampala Convention. They are also among 19 African countries that have [developed](https://dataviz.unhcr.org/product-gallery/2024/07/protecting-people-displaced-in-their-own-country-through-law-and-policy/) policies, laws or other tools to address internal displacement. These are a useful first step, but the mammoth task remains of using them to deter the targeting of internally displaced people or, failing that, ensure accountability.

Mozambique has made some [effort](https://reliefweb.int/report/mozambique/forced-displacement-reaches-record-highs-globally-mozambique-sets-example-solidarity) to respond, including by adopting a five-year Policy and Strategy for Internal Displacement Management — a collaborative effort between the government, the UN refugee agency, the National Institute for Disaster Risk Management and Reduction and local authorities.

The new plan is building resilience and shielding internally displaced people from further harm by supporting community structures, expanding livelihood opportunities and ensuring timely and appropriate care for vulnerable groups. It also enables some internally displaced people to [return](https://clubofmozambique.com/news/mozambique-more-than-22000-idps-have-returned-to-their-communities-in-macomia-district-285663/) home safely.

In all three countries, the lack of accountability for targeting internally displaced people means that perpetrators are undeterred from committing future attacks. The impunity gap left by governments can and should be filled at the regional and continental levels. Adopting instruments like the Kampala Convention is one small piece of the puzzle. The bigger challenge is full implementation. **DM**

*Ottilia Anna Maunganidze is Head of Special Projects and Aimée-Noël Mbiyozo is a Senior Research Consultant, Migration at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS).*

*First published by*[*ISS Today*](https://issafrica.org/iss-today).