---
title: "Guinea’s return to constitutional order is an opportunity to strengthen women’s political participation"
description: "The exclusion of women causes them to perceive politics as a field reserved for men, even though they played a significant role in Guinea’s contemporary history. Current efforts to restore constitutional order must also promote their effective inclusion in public affairs."
type: "NewsArticle"
publisher: "Daily Maverick"
site: "https://www.dailymaverick.co.za"
section: "ISS TODAY OP-ED"
author: "Aïssatou Kanté"
author_url: "https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/author/aissatou-kante/"
canonical_url: "https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2025-07-02-guineas-return-to-constitutional-order-is-an-opportunity-to-strengthen-womens-political-participation/"
published: "2025-07-02T12:39:35"
updated: "2025-07-02T12:39:37"
lang: "en-ZA"
word_count: 916
---

# Guinea’s return to constitutional order is an opportunity to strengthen women’s political participation

> The exclusion of women causes them to perceive politics as a field reserved for men, even though they played a significant role in Guinea’s contemporary history. Current efforts to restore constitutional order must also promote their effective inclusion in public affairs.

By Aïssatou Kanté · Published 2 July 2025, 14:39 SAST · Updated 2 July 2025, 14:39 SAST

## Key points
- Guinea's upcoming constitutional referendum in September 2025 promises to be a litmus test for genuine political reform, as it seeks to transform a legacy of exclusion into a more inclusive democracy—though with only six women in a cabinet of 29, the path to parity still resembles a game of political hopscotch rather than a sprint toward equality.
- Guinea's upcoming constitutional referendum on 21 September 2025 is pivotal for restoring political stability post-coup and facilitating elections.
- Women, despite making up 52% of the population, remain underrepresented in decision-making, with only 30.86% in the National Transitional Council and a decline in ministerial positions.
- Legal frameworks promoting gender parity have been largely ineffective due to lack of political will and deep-rooted patriarchal norms, with previous quotas and laws not enforced.
- Civil society's push for reforms, including gender parity in electoral lists, highlights the need for robust implementation and support from transitional authorities to enhance women's political participation.

## Content

Four years after the coup against the Alpha Condé regime, Guinea’s constitutional referendum scheduled for 21 September 2025 will be a major [step](https://issafrica.org/iss-today/trust-deficit-threatens-guinea-s-peaceful-return-to-civilian-rule) towards normalising political life in the country. The referendum is a prerequisite for organising and conducting presidential, legislative and local elections.

Adopting a new constitution will be crucial for stability after the coup, and for building an egalitarian and inclusive society, particularly by strengthening women’s participation in public affairs. Although women [represent](https://guinea.unfpa.org/fr/news/lib%C3%A9rer-le-capital-humain-des-femmes-un-levier-pour-l%C3%A9galit%C3%A9-de-genre) 52% of Guinea’s population, their presence in state decision-making bodies, whether executive or legislative, has remained marginal under both civilian and military regimes.

This suggests that political transitions – often justified by the promise of inclusive reforms – tend to reproduce the same dynamics of exclusion as the previous administration. At the same time, the legal mechanisms that should promote the inclusion of women remain more symbolic than truly binding.

On the plus side, Guinea’s transition charter provides for a 30% minimum representation of women in the National Transitional Council (NTC), which functions as the country’s temporary parliament. As a result, women now [comprise](https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2025-03/b30_report_guinea_fr.pdf) 30.86% of members of this legislative body, compared with only 14.9% of parliamentarians [before](https://data.ipu.org/fr/parliament/GN/GN-LC01/election/GN-LC01-E20200322/) the coup.

However, despite its [commitments](https://mediaguinee.com/2024/03/8-mars-a-kindia-pour-le-prochain-gouvernement-le-president-doumbouya-a-demande-au-moins-30-des-femmes-pm-bah-oury/), the government of Prime Minister Amadou Bah Oury includes only six women among its 29 ministers – 10% less than before the coup. This decline has caused [disappointment](https://www.dw.com/fr/guin%C3%A9e-droits-femmes-politique-gouvernement/audio-68727716), especially among women’s organisations hoping to consolidate the gains achieved through years of hard struggle.

The underrepresentation of women illustrates successive governments’ failure to turn legal frameworks into real progress. In particular, the quota of 30% women on electoral registers introduced in 2010 has never been met, as its application has been left to the discretion of political actors.

Furthermore, the 2019 [law](https://www.assembleeguinee.org/conakry-le-09-mai-2019-l20190011an-instituant-la-parite-entre-hommes-et-femmes-pour-lacces-aux#:~:text=Article%201er%20:%20La%20pr%C3%A9sente%20loi%20a,les%20institutions%20publiques%20en%20R%C3%A9publique%20de%20Guin%C3%A9e.&text=Article%205%20:%20Pour%20les%20%C3%A9lections%20%C3%A0,sexe%20diff%C3%A9rent%20%C3%A0%20celui%20du%20candidat%20suppl%C) establishing gender parity in electoral lists and public institutions was never enacted. The coexistence of this law and a 30% quota, perceived as contradictory, could have caused a deadlock.

The limited impact of these ambitious initiatives can be explained by the lack of political will, shortcomings in their application, deep-rooted patriarchal traditions and women’s low literacy rate ([22%](https://www.afrobarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/AD829-Guineens-demandent-plus-dans-la-promotion-de-legalite-des-genres-Afrobarometer-2aout24-1.pdf)), according to Afrobarometer.

Yet most Guineans believe women should be able to access political office on the same basis as men, Afrobarometer says. This is despite persistent obstacles that they face, such as criticism and harassment, sometimes even within their own families.

The underrepresentation of women in public affairs is due to social and cultural considerations underpinning patriarchal and unequal systems. Women are excluded, causing them to perceive politics as a field reserved for men, even though they played a significant role in Guinea’s contemporary history.

Although civil society has a role in demanding structural change favouring women’s equitable participation, the current [restrictions](https://www.amnesty.org/fr/documents/pol10/8515/2025/fr/) on fundamental freedoms and civic space hamper their involvement in political life. Institute for Security Studies fieldwork respondents said military regimes were a greater obstacle than gender bias, as the latter was easier to break down than institutional barriers.

Despite these difficulties, the return to constitutional order – starting with the referendum and continuing with election preparations – offers the opportunity to pass laws and mobilise against the marginalisation of women in the public sphere.

The 2022 inter-Guinean [dialogue](https://presidence.gov.gn/%F0%9D%97%96%F0%9D%97%AE%F0%9D%97%B1%F0%9D%97%BF%F0%9D%97%B2-%F0%9D%97%B1%F0%9D%97%B2-%F0%9D%97%B1%F0%9D%97%B6%F0%9D%97%AE%F0%9D%97%B9%F0%9D%97%BC%F0%9D%97%B4%F0%9D%98%82%F0%9D%97%B2-%F0%9D%97%B6/), led exclusively by women, showed that they can make concrete proposals to improve their participation. Several dialogue recommendations were integrated into the new draft constitution and proposed institutional laws.

The NTC adopted the draft constitution on 9 April following an outreach campaign. The draft establishes gender parity as a fundamental principle – an improvement on the transition charter. When various laws are adopted, particularly those dealing with the electoral code, gender parity and political parties, details should be provided on how the legislation will be implemented.

A good starting point is to develop electoral lists that alternate between male and female candidates and allocate the remaining seats to women with the highest averages, as considered by the NTC. The same goes for allowing independent candidates in all elections, offering an alternative to women who find it difficult to be backed by a political party.

These reforms, which civil society supports, could be supplemented by a women’s rights observatory, composed of women’s organisations. The observatory would be responsible for monitoring the progress of draft laws from submission to adoption, in order to guarantee their effective implementation.

While these initiatives can strengthen women’s participation in public life, they must be accompanied by greater political will from current and future transitional authorities and strong institutional support. Sufficient human, financial and operational resources are also needed to rigorously implement laws and policies.

As part of Independence Day celebrated in October 2024, Guinea’s head of state, General Mamady Doumbouya, [visited](https://presidence.gov.gn/%F0%9D%97%9B%F0%9D%97%BC%F0%9D%97%BA%F0%9D%97%BA%F0%9D%97%AE%F0%9D%97%B4%F0%9D%97%B2-%F0%9D%97%AE%F0%9D%98%82%F0%9D%98%85-%F0%9D%97%BD%F0%9D%97%B6%F0%9D%97%BC%F0%9D%97%BB%F0%9D%97%BB%F0%9D%97%B6/) pioneers such as former government ministers Aïcha Bah Diallo, Mariama Sow and Mariama Aribot.

At the same time, several streets in Conakry were renamed after prominent female figures in Guinea’s contemporary history, including M’Balia Camara, Mafory Bangoura, Rabiatou Saran Diallo and Saran Daraba Kaba. These symbolic actions recall Guinean women’s commitment and role in the country’s history.

Addressing their marginalisation in the public sphere requires more than focusing on the number of women in political positions. The quality of their participation in nation-building must also be improved. Otherwise, Guinea’s transition risks replicating, or even exacerbating, the structural inequalities that keep women on the margins of political life and development. **DM**

*Aïssatou Kanté, researcher, Littoral West African States, Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Regional Office for West Africa and the Sahel.*

*First published by*[*ISS Today*](https://issafrica.org/iss-today).