From 16 to 20 December 2017, South Africans and political pundits closely observed the ANC’s 54th National Elective Conference at Nasrec. Plenty of international observers and local and foreign press were closely tracking the ANC top brass and branch delegates as they jostled for political power and position. The air was thick with anticipation and high with suspicion.

As the ANC prepared for the conference, it became abundantly clear that two factions were again developing in the run-up. The Zuma faction that backed Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma for president of the ANC was commonly referred to as the NDZ faction, while the faction that backed Cyril Ramaphosa was known as the CR17 faction.

Former student activist, member of the then Mitchells Plain Student Congress (Mipsco), COSAS national leader and now ANC member in good standing, Oscar van Heerden once again found himself doing duty in the resolutions drafting team at the ANC’s National Conference.

What he witnessed in the period leading up to the conference and then the five days of high drama at Nasrec make for an enthralling and insightful insider’s view.

“I chose to focus on the National Elective Conference because it represents the culmination of numerous divisions in the ANC, but also because the outcome of the conference, in my opinion, will shape the South African political landscape for years to come,” Van Heerden says.

“At the outset, it seemed as if the CR17 grouping didn’t stand a chance. They were disorganised, at times not even having a proper understanding of the modalities of an elective conference. I certainly felt they had come to a gunfight with a knife. This had been the case at the previous two national conferences in Mangaung and Polokwane, and it cost the unprepared faction dearly in the end.

“In a nutshell, when certain elements in the ANC are prepared to kill others to ensure the outcomes they want, when they are prepared to violate the ANC constitution to achieve their political goals, and when they are prepared to intimidate through patronage, we – as progressive democrats yearning for the ideals of an ANC of yesteryear – are simply unprepared to tackle them because these types of practices are not only foreign to us but also go against every ethical and progressive bone in our bodies.”

Van Heerden’s observations lay bare a governing party at war with itself. At the heart of this struggle is deception, corruption and power-hungry politicians flexing their muscles. Factional infighting, money in bags exchanging hands in the dead of night, spies on duty and a political party in the clutches of state capture are some of the political moves that Van Heerden witnessed and now shares in his book.

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“Lobbying is about foresight, it’s about anticipating your opponent’s moves and devising counter-measures. The winner plots one step ahead of the opposition. And plays their trump card just after they play theirs. It’s about making sure you surprise them. And they don’t surprise you.” – Elizabeth Sloane in the movie Miss Sloane (John Madden, director; 2016)

Day three. 17 December 2017. At my home over breakfast, which consists of one slice of toast with apricot jam and a cup of Five Roses tea, my wife demands a lowdown of all the agonising facts about the conference. I’ve been coming home very late and darting off very early, leaving very little time for daily post-mortems. Where to begin, I wonder. In the end I give her the shortened version. “Not great, love, it seems we are losing the fight. The NDZ camp have an upper hand with regards to numbers. They have the full use of the state apparatus and they seem to have the pulse of the conference, so not great.”

She gives me a sympathetic look and hugs me, saying, “I’m sure it will be fine, Oscar, there are lots of good comrades still in the ANC. Surely they can’t all get it wrong again.”

With those words ringing in my ears, I set off and make my way back to the battleground at Nasrec. It’s Sunday morning so the drive is much faster as there’s very little traffic to wade through. I arrive just after 8 am. Upon arrival, my comrades are already in full swing. They have been mobilising voting delegates to gather at a CR17 caucus meeting just outside the plenary hall. This meeting place is also adorned with statues of liberation icons, which add to the effect that the group gathered here is trying desperately to adhere to and keep the right ANC principles alive, much like what these struggle stalwarts did in their day. The ideals they lived, struggled and died for. I notice what seem like the supporting and agreeable look that Walter and Albertina Sisulu statues give me. I believe Oliver Tambo would have been proud of us in that moment. This time around we’re encouraged, as our camp seems to have burgeoned overnight. The number of voting delegates is looking good, bar the ones who are there from the other camp. Our leaders, our bulldogs, are taking the lead, and we start singing in full chorus.

At this gathering, I ask a Japanese man who is standing next to me what his thoughts are on what he is witnessing. “I’ve just come from the other side where the NDZ crowd is gathering, and I must say,” while gesturing with his hands, “it looks pretty even to me.” His observation makes me worry, because it seems there’s no clear frontrunner. “Very exciting for me,” he continues. “It’s my first time at an ANC elective conference. So much singing and dancing. It’s very different in my country, Japan, very different indeed.”

Despite my concerns, what is encouraging is the fact that the CR17 camp now seems more invigorated. We’re singing and beginning to play to the audience and the media. I’m caught up in the excitement and start thinking that perhaps the tide is turning. We’re appropriating some of the opposition’s songs; where they were singing “NDZ”, we’re inserting “CR17”, and it causes general confusion. And this little victory gives me more hope. I feel that the game has now truly begun. The real work must now begin, lest we hand this conference to Zuma on a silver platter. Let the lobbying commence.

As you know, a fair amount of electioneering takes place before conference (after all, what was that North West mayor doing with all that cash in the boot of his car some weeks before conference?). Most of the lobbying and political work – and, of course, the more serious negotiations between the political elite (the leadership of the ANC), for any last-minute concessions (or not) – takes place during the conference in hotel conference rooms and at numerous bars in and around Nasrec. There are late nights in hotel rooms, away from prying eyes, as caucuses are the order of the day, much the same as my nocturnal activities to keep the voting delegates on side after hours.

Generally, lobbying takes place at two levels. On the one hand, it happens at the lower level, among delegates (which is what I and other faction faithfuls have been involved in). Every vote counts. Contrary to popular belief, even though delegates have a very particular mandate from their branches, they’re allowed to engage in lobbying and be swayed to change their vote at conference. They might decide to change their vote because they don’t appreciate the prevailing conditions at conference. Or new information may come to light – this could be anything from new corruption claims or a particular leader or leaders doing something distasteful. So yes, voting delegates can be influenced, and in turn, they cajole and get cajoled to change their minds. Intense lobbying is allowed at the conference and there is a healthy expectation that the two camps here at Nasrec would be going full throttle to garner as many votes as possible.

This is why provincial leaderships are very protective – and insular – with regards to their voting delegates. Just as we are protective of our confirmed delegates for CR17, so are the NDZ camp of theirs. From afar I observe there is a clear mandate to prevent others lobbying and influencing their provincial delegates for our side. They don’t like their delegates just wandering off and so there’s a general understanding that provincial delegations stick together at the conference. If delegates want to have some fun after hours in the form of a few drinks, provincial leadership will most likely provide the space but still insist on everyone doing it together in the same venue.

On the other hand, there’s lobbying at the leadership level, where one provincial secretary wants to convince others to join his or her side, for instance. Happening between the “big guns” – the provincial chairpersons and provincial secretaries, and even the national executive members themselves – this level of lobbying is very seldom talked about. I go around the venue with one such secretary after the latest CR17 caucus meeting and notice that he is constantly on his phone with other leaders from different provinces. This clearly shows that co-ordination of strategies and tactics must at all times be communicated to have the maximum effect.

I’m reminded that lobbying takes the form of both material and “in kind” benefits to delegates. Yes, some delegates receive cash in their hands at conference and it’s often referred to as a stipend, or they’ll be guaranteed that their broken car back home will be fixed, or perhaps the cost of your child’s school fees will be settled, or that debt with the local loan shark will now finally be sorted. These activities are, unfortunately, sad but true – you can buy a delegate if they are open to being influenced to the prospect of receiving money. It does not take thousands of rands or tenders worth millions. No, our people will settle for far less, given their dire circumstances and plight back home. And among us are those who are more than happy to exploit that need for personal gain.

Specific appointed individuals will be the money-bag guys. They are the ones who facilitate food and drinks for delegates in general, but also carry brown envelopes for others, if so instructed. The distance between them and the leadership of provinces are sufficiently far apart so as not to involve any of them should such individuals be caught. Over the years, this buying of votes has proven an ineffective method to secure votes. Voting delegates have come to realise that they can just as easily take the money and still vote for whomever they want. So, there is no real guarantee that the vote-buying will translate into any specific intended outcome. This is especially true since mobile phones and any other electronic equipment are no longer allowed on your person while entering the voting booth. I mention this because, in previous years, you were expected to take a photo of your ballot paper in order to prove that you’d indeed cast your ballot accordingly and that it was money well spent. This is no longer possible because of the new rules governing voting in the ANC. In short, delegates take the money and exercise their secret vote. DM/ML

Two Minutes to Midnight: Will Ramaphosa’s ANC survive? by Oscar van Heerden is published by Jacana Media (R249). Visit The Reading List for South African book news – including excerpts! – daily.